Liberal pushback against Trump’s presidency is rooted in more than just meltdowns
Ever since Donald Trump’s 2016 election victory was first announced, triggering liberals everywhere, Trump Derangement Syndrome has been widespread in America.
President Donald Trump is waging all-out war against progressive culture, in a magnitude comparable to what 19th-century Germans once called a Kulturkampf.
This perceived attack has resulted in levels of hatred directed at Trump from the left that not even former President George W. Bush incurred.
President Trump’s family, his friends, and his businesses have been investigated, probed, dissected, and constantly attacked for most of his time in office.
Former President Obama’s appointees in the FBI, CIA, and DOJ tried to subvert the Trump campaign in 2016 before interfering with his transition in 2017, and, ultimately, attempting to cut short his presidency.
Now, congressional Democrats have pushed impeachment and are calling on the Senate to remove Trump from office before the 2020 election.
The usual reason for such hatred is said to be Trump’s unorthodox and combative take-no-prisoners style, according to The Daily Signal.
Critics detest his crude and unfettered assertions, his lack of prior military or political experience, his attacks on the so-called bipartisan administrative state, and his intent to roll back the entire Obama-era effort of “fundamentally transforming” the country leftward.
Certainly, Trump’s agenda of closing the border, using tariffs to overturn a half-century of Chinese mercantilism, and pulling back from optional overseas military interventions variously offends both Democrats and establishment Republicans.
Trump periodically and mercurially fires his top officials.
He apparently does not care whether the departed write damning memoirs or join his opposition.
He will soon appoint his fourth national security adviser within just three years.
To make things worse for his critics, Trump’s economy is booming as never before in the new 21st century: near record-low unemployment, a record number of Americans working, increases in workers’ wages and family incomes, low interest rates, low inflation, steady GDP growth, and a strong stock market.
Yet the real source of Trump derangement syndrome is his desire to wage a multifront pushback—politically, socially, economically, and culturally—against what might be called the elite postmodern progressive world.
Contemporary elites increasingly see nationalism and patriotism as passé.
Borders are 19th-century holdovers.
The European Union, not the U.S. Constitution, is seen as the preferable model to run a nation.
Transnational and global organizations are wiser on environmental and diplomatic matters than is the U.S. government.
The media can no longer afford to be nonpartisan and impartial in its effort to rid America of a reactionary such as Trump, given his danger to the progressive future.
America’s ancient sins can never really be forgiven.
In a new spirit of iconoclasm, thousands of buildings, monuments, and statues dedicated to American sinners of the past must be destroyed, removed, or renamed.
A new America supposedly is marching forward under the banner of ending fossil fuels, curbing the Second Amendment, redistributing income, promoting identity politics and open borders, and providing free college, free health care, and abortion on demand.
An insomniac Trump fights all of the above, nonstop and everywhere.
In the past, Republican presidents sought to slow the progressive transformation of America but despaired of ever stopping it.
No slugfest is too off-topic or trivial for Trump.
Sometimes that means calling out former NFL quarterback Colin Kaepernick for persuading NFL stars to kneel during the national anthem.
Huge, monopolistic Silicon Valley companies are special Trump targets.
Sometimes Trump enters cul-de-sac Twitter wars with Hollywood has-beens who have attacked him and his policies.
Trump variously goes after Antifa, political correctness on campus, the NATO hierarchy, the radical green movement, Planned Parenthood, American universities, and, above all, the media—especially CNN, The Washington Post, and The New York Times.
For all the acrimony and chaos—and prognostications of Trump’s certain failure—a bloodied Trump wins more than he loses.
NATO members may hate Trump, but more are finally paying their promised defense contributions.
In retrospect, many Americans concede that the Iran deal was flawed and that the Paris climate accord mere virtue-signaling.
China was long due for a reckoning.
Special counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation proved fruitless and was further diminished by Mueller’s bizarrely incoherent congressional testimony.
Some of the most prominent Trump haters—Michael Avenatti, James Comey, Andrew McCabe, Anthony Scaramucci, and Rep. Adam Schiff —either have been discredited or have become increasingly irrelevant.
Trump has so enraged his Democratic adversaries that the candidates to replace him have moved farther to the left than any primary field in memory.
They loathe Trump, but in their abject hatred, he has goaded the various Democratic candidates into revealing their support for the crazy Green New Deal, reparations for slavery, relaxed immigration policies, and trillions of dollars in new free stuff.
In a way, the left-wing Democratic presidential candidates understand Trump best.
If he wins his one-man crusade to stop the progressive project, they are finished, and their own party will make the necessary adjustments and then sheepishly drift back toward the center.